The government lacked the capital to support the renewal dilapidated area, the developer has been introduced which is allowed to redevelop the area partially for commercial uses(Wu, 2004). Property-led urban renewal is initiated by the government and investors, rather than by individuals themselves. During this process, indigenous residents will force to move. This involuntary relocation might be criticized by against residents’ free will. In the developing world, in particular, there is a hope that grassroots mobilization can serve as a means for marginalized groups to address development-related challenges—such as forced eviction and involuntary resettlement—in the face of limited state resources or willingness to provide for their needs (Zaidi, 1999). Residential mobility is not driven by residents' preference. However, not all the residents who undergo relocation are involuntary, some part of residents would like to move. It should be noted that indigenous residents live in the urban renewal area where is bad living surrounding. They want to change their disadvantaged living condition to better housing and surrounding situation by delimotion their house during urban renewal. Residential relocations are stratified into voluntary and involuntary or ‘forced’ movers (Wu, 2004). Besides, they also can obtain either in-kind compensation or monetary compensation. Therefore, the forced move will not be perceived as being so involuntary (Kleinhans & Kearns, 2013). The decision to relocate, either passively or actively, often is made simultaneously with the changing social network and their life. However, few empirical studies have unraveled the changing social network from the perspective of residential move willingness under urban renewal background. We need to delve into the ‘mode’ of relocation and the effects of the social impact of urban renewal from a residential mobility perspective. The changing social network is not only of the situation before and after the urban renewal but also of involuntarily relocated residents and those who have not undergone involuntary relocation or who made a voluntary move. In this research, eighteen neighborhoods were chosen and a questionnaire survey with more than 1,000 residents was conducted between December 2018 and April 2019 in Chongqing, China. In this paper, research questions are examined: the main question is what happens with residents' neighborhood social networks during urban renewal? The sub-questions are:(1) How are the actual willingness to stay in the original area of the three indirectly impacted residents groups? (2) What is the actual change in the social circle between involuntary relocation and forced relocation?